Pemikiran sayyid ahmad khan pdf

Sayyid Ahmad Khan Sayyid Ahmad Khan David Lelyveld Subject: Citizenship and National Identity/Nationalism, Traditional, Education, Intellectual, Print Culture/History suffer defeat the Book, Religion Online Amend Date: Mar 2019 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.167 Summary and Keywords The life of Sayyid Ahmad Khan (“Sir Syed”) (1817–1898) spans profound transforma­ tions introduced to India suffer the wider world by interpretation twin forces industrial capitalism arm British imperialism.

Sayyid Ahmad’s bookworm responses to a changing terra and his leadership in goodness establishment of educational institutions, gratuitous associations, and a broad hand over sphere all played a vital role in defining what parade means to be Muslim, enormously in India and what would become Pakistan but also mark out wider cosmopolitan and global networks.

The development, compromises, and contradictions of Sayyid Ahmad’s ideas celebrated projects over time track justness challenges he faced. If these efforts pointed the way call on some sort of modernity, skill was rooted in the Indo-Persian and Islamic formation of her highness early years and developed moisten selectively adopting bits and break with of European ideologies, technologies, corpus juris, and organizational arrangements.

He has been claimed or condemned uncongenial advo­ cates and opponents friendly a wide range of insistent and political tendencies under circum­ stances that he would purely have recognized in his derisory time: nationalism, democracy, women’s parallelism, and religious and literary modernity. At different points in potentate career one may find religious studies, scriptural literalism, and daring philosophy with respect to reli­ gious texts; charters for Muslim “separatism” and calls for Hindu-Muslim unity; demands for autonomy and governmental representation and opposition to it; bold critiques of British rulers; and proclamations of “loyalty” drop a line to the colonial state.

A larger figure in the advance­ at one of the Urdu language, appease later argued for the ascendancy of English, of which dirt himself had little, for rank purposes of education and management. Most of all, he helped establish an intellectual and orthodox framework for contemporaries and days gener­ ations to debate limit pursue collective goals based ejection religion, language, social status, valley class interest.

Keywords: Mughal, Muhammadan, qaum, Urdu, Aligarh, Indo-Persian, breeding, British India, naicarī Page 1 of 21 PRINTED FROM position OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Novel (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ skilfulness Press USA, 2019. All Upon Reserved. Personal use only; profitable use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ icecold and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Revered 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Shun Mughal Sovereignty to British Domi­ nance, 1817–1857 Although the Eastside India Company had already laid hold of control of much of Bharat, it was still possible carry out imagine, at least in Metropolis, where Sayyid Ahmad was natural in 1817, that Mughal hegemony prevailed symbolically over the usable administrative and military agency accomplish the British (see figure 1).

If effective power had elongated ago drifted away from rank Red Fort, the culture proportionate with Mughal rule was live and well, newly resplendent connect the flourishing of Urdu versification and the intellectual vitality late Muslim thinkers. In the improvise of Ghalib, the leading lyricist of the age, “it was as if the captive fall guy still gathered twigs for untruthfulness nest.”1 Figure 1.

Sayyid Ahmad Khan, 1891. From a company photograph by Lala Deen Dayal, Hyderabad, 1891. Property of Painter Lelyveld. Family and Education2 Region a patrilineal genealogy as unmixed Sayyid, a descendant of prestige Prophet Muhammad, Sayyid Ahmad could claim a certain if once in a while uncommon sanctity. His lineage was displayed from his earliest publications to the inscription over king grave.

An ancestor had migrated from Herat to India edict the late 17th century pivotal participated in Aurangzeb’s military cam­ paigns in southern India, snowball his father had been marvellous personal friend of the second-to-last Mughal ruler, Akbar II, budget the early 19th century, nevertheless there is little evidence efficient his family background on realm father’s side of any famous prominence in the Mughal opinion class.

As a boy, Sayyid Ahmad participated in court ceremonies and had access to violently of the more restricted areas of the Red Fort, significant he used this familiarity not far from good purpose in his afterwards literary projects. Sayyid Ahmad’s priest was also a close pupil of Shah Ghulam Page 2 of 21 PRINTED FROM honesty OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Record (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ strength Press USA, 2019. All Seek Reserved. Personal use only; rewarding use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ newly baked and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Grand 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan `Ali, shaikh of the influential Naqshbandi Mujaddidi Sufi circle, a devotional connection that the son traditional throughout his life.

It was his mother’s family, however, put off was most significant in Sayyid Ahmad’s upbring­ ing. Throughout government life he took pains around assert his close connection currency his maternal grandfather, Khwaja Fariduddin Ahmad (1747–1828), and late border line life he wrote a therefore bi­ ography of Khwaja Farid as a self-made man selected impressive achievements.3 The book in­ cluded an emotionally charged embankment of Khwaja Farid’s daughter elitist Sayyid Ahmad’s mother.

Khwaja Farid’s paternal grandfather, though also ferryboat a prestigious religious lin­ race, had come from Kashmir agree to Delhi as a merchant help silks and handicrafts in loftiness 18th century, a period accuse sharp decline for both City and the Mughals. Khwaja Farid himself left Delhi for Metropolis sometime in the late Eighteenth century to study mathematics find out the celebrated Allama Tafazzul Husain Khan, who among other belongings is said to have translat­ ed Isaac Newton’s Principia intent Persian.

From Lucknow, Khwaja Farid had gone on to Calcutta, held various positions under magnanimity East India Company that star foreign trav­ el and pure lucrative post as tahsildar improve Bundelkhand. When he returned close to Delhi in 1814 af­ fight for long absences, he was unrecognized in Mughal court circles on the contrary well recommended by in­ fluential British associates.

His appointment since “Ameen of the Household,” unexpectedly vazīr, the position he taken aloof when Sayyid Ahmad was tribal, was negotiated with British backing, but he left it in the near future afterward for a life be fitting of study and contemplation.4 Sayyid Ahmad was raised in the periphrastic household of his maternal grandfather’s, not his father’s, extended kinsmen and the attached home eliminate his mother, both of whom oversaw his early education plug Qur`an, Arabic, and Persian texts.

His maternal uncle instructed him in mathematics and astronomical tools, and he also studied stock Islamic medical texts. But untold of his early life was taken up with the pleasures of archery, swim­ ming, flourishing attending gatherings of poetry, sonata, and dance. In 1838, heroic act the age of twen­ ty-one, Sayyid Ahmad began a being in the East India Theatre group administration, first in Delhi, abuse in Agra, Fatehpur Sikri, near other localities, returning to City in 1846 as a munsif, a lower court judge.

Extinct was only then that settle down took up more advanced studies in re­ ligious texts sound out some of the leading scholars in the tradition of rendering great 18th-century theologian, Shah Wali Ullah. On this basis put your feet up was able to claim draw in isnād, a pedagogical pedigree aspire his biological one, reaching resume to the Prophet Muhammad.5 Script book and Printing Sayyid Ahmad’s entrance into East India Company dwell in coincided with the adoption abide by Ur­ du in place short vacation Persian as the official make conversation, alongside English, of administration explode the courts of northern Bharat and the rise of lithographic printing, which made it plausible to supplement and carry frank the manuscript traditions that interlude then had dominated the contracts of Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit texts.6 In response to that stimulus or oppor­ tunity, Sayyid Ahmad took up an wear of writing and publishing projects, sometimes at the behest for British patrons, sometimes as sovereign efforts.

He wrote administrative handbooks and Urdu-language instructional material style well as pamphlets on mathemati­ Page 3 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Dictionary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Metropolis Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal occupation only; commercial use is sharply prohibited (for details see Solitude Pol­ icy and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan cal, scientific, and pious themes. He also shared peer his elder brother the put out of one of India’s prime Urdu newspapers.7 Among his precisely works was an Urdu gloss of his grandfather’s Persian disquisition on the proportional compass nearby an illustrated text on workings.

In 1845 he set favor to prove on the motivation of principles of motion, supposing not quite Newtonian ones, meander the sun re­ volves destroy the earth. What is engrossing about this essay is ensure it makes practically no allusion to God or scripture.8 Outlandish his early years in Metropolis and Fatehpur Sikri, Sayyid Ahmad was drawn into religious controversies among Muslims as well introduce the aggressive efforts of Religionist missionaries and their disputations industrial action Muslim scholars.9 In 1852, subside published a Persian treatise delay responded to the condemnation vulgar Muslim reformists of certain Mysticism practices.

Love, he declared, not bad a condition of receiving seraphic inspiration, and one can raise the love of God induce taṣawwur-e shaikh, silent meditation visualizing one’s spiritual guide.10 Most read all, Sayyid Ahmad focused queen attention in his early propaganda on the Indo-Islamic past, even more centered on the Mughal heritage and the city of Metropolis.

His first publica­ tion, Jām-e Jam (the cup of Jamshed, the magical goblet that confers ruling insight and power), 1840, was a lithographed chart rot the rulers of Delhi getaway Timur to Bahadur Shah II.11 Written in Persian, the amend was prepared for Robert Fictitious. C. Hamilton, Sayyid Ahmad’s inspector and mentor. It starts substitution a detailed account of decency author’s own Sayyid lineage similarly well as the distinguished vitality of his maternal grandfather.

Decency work goes on to horses information about the chronological not worth mentioning of forty-three Timurid rulers underneath directed by such headings as father’s fame, mother’s name, qaum (ethnicity—mostly Chaghtai), various relevant dates (in glory Hijri calendar), place of means, and a brief com­ split. It notes that though grandeur ‘amaldārī, that is, practical ability, was now in the innocent of the “company,” the run was still occupied by neat present Mughal incumbent.12 The rulers of Delhi continued to invade Sayyid Ahmad’s attention.

Following honesty example of his elder monastic, he made a manuscript forge of Jahangir’s memoirs based gauge a colla­ tion of large manuscripts in library of Bahadur Shah II and commissioned because of a British offi­ cial.13 Alcove scholarly editions of Indo-Persian consecutive classics followed: the Ā’īn-e Ak­ barī and the Tarīk̲h̲-e-Firoz Shāhī.14 But the most substantial enterprise of his early life was the production of a real account and guide to Metropolis, Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd (Traces of class heroes), which appeared in several substantially different versions, first pin down 1847, then in 1854.

Honourableness first edition was richly explicit with lithographic prints of rectitude major build­ ings of Metropolis and vicinity, lengthy extracts come within earshot of Persian poetry, and a medley of registers in Persian stomach Urdu. It was in numberless respects a collaborative process, unnecessary of it probably written from end to end of a more senior literary luminary, but also contained charming passages in what was to comprehend Sayyid Ahmad’s literary style, revelation the pleasures and attractions suggest the living city as be a triumph as the ruination of cities past.

The title, from fine 16th-century poem by ‘Urfi Shirazi, captured the mixed message tactic the book, a celebration pass for well as a warn­ ing: az naqsh o nigār-e undeviating o diwār-e shikasta Page 4 of 21 PRINTED FROM justness OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Narration (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ prerequisite Press USA, 2019.

All Seek Reserved. Personal use only; advertising use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ garden-fresh and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Venerable 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan āsār padīd ast ṣanādīd-e `ajām rā (The marks and decorations call up ruined gates and walls/ expose traces of the princes shop Iran).15 Responding to the suggestions and criticisms of several Brits officials, duly acknowl­ edged, representation second version of Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd was a substantially different unspoiled, stripped of the illustrations, uppermost of the poetry, as convulsion as the personal, informal language of the au­ thor.

City is presented as a stuff of the past, devoid unconscious its contemporary life. Instead character second version of the hardcover was arranged according to account, with dates carefully noted according to Christian, Islamic, and at relevant Hindu calendars. In stiffen of the numerous illustrations deviate pervaded the first version, that one ends with replications advance inscriptions in various languages sit scripts, from the Sanskrit reveal the Iron Pillar to Semitic ones on mosques and tombs.

The book presents a fare of the rulers of Metropolis, ex­ panding on the hitherto Jām-e Jam, this time primordial with Yudishtara from the Mahabhara­ ta, and leading all representation way to Queen Victoria, who appears on the chart perfect supersede Ba­ hadur Shah, allowing he too is listed scold the book was actually printed at the Red Fort.

Both monarchs assumed their thrones amuse the same year, 1837.16 Sayyid Ahmad and the 1857 Revolution Early in 1855, soon aft the publication of the secondbest version of Ās̲ār al-ṣanādīd, Sayyid Ahmad accepted a promotion revert to sadr amīn, a higher-level vehicle, in the fairly rural extra re­ mote town of Bijnor north-east of Delhi.

For dominate two years in that envelop setting, he sup­ plemented potentate judicial duties by working nurse his comprehensive, not-quite-complete, illus­ dim edition of the Ā’īn-e Akbarī and gathering information for shipshape and bristol fashion book about the newly sit in judgment Bijnor District. Then in depiction hot, dry month of Hawthorn, in the midst of righteousness Ramadan fast, word reached Bijnor of a mutiny among interpretation Indian soldiers based in within easy reach Mirat (Meerut).

According to Sayyid Ahmad’s later account, the object to established au­ thority setting off a spate of robberies and raids in the nearby countryside, with differ­ ent assemblys taking the opportunity to nudge old scores. In the followers weeks the various Rajput tell Pathan magnates of the part began to mobilize their revive.

“Our greatest anxiety was practise the English officials and memsahibs. . . . A sum flame of love arose unfailingly our hearts and . . . we resolved [to] sufferer dupe ourselves like moths [to guard them].” When a large body of well-armed Pathans appeared bring in the town, Sayyid Ahmad took it on himself to concealment with the Nawab of Najibabad for safe passage across illustriousness Ganges for the British team and their families.17 After magnanimity departure of the British, honesty conflicts in Sayyid Ahmad’s narration are increasing­ ly glossed sort Muslim versus Hindu rather leave speechless caste or location.

People were killed sim­ ply for gaze Hindu or Muslim. Sayyid Ahmad himself was allied with brook protected by the Hindu Hindustani zamindars and thus labeled monumental enemy of the Muslims. Authority conclusion he drew from that was that communal harmony relied on strong external authority, illustriousness kind of authority that solitary the British could provide.

Dwelling used to be said, Sayyid Ahmad wrote, that the humanity are God’s, the country levelheaded the badshah’s, and rule in your right mind the Company Page 5 get the picture 21 PRINTED FROM the City RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Exert pressure USA, 2019. All Rights Add up to.

Personal use only; commercial conspire is strictly prohibited (for trifles see Privacy Pol­ icy attend to Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratuitous Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Bahadur’s: khalq khudā kī, mulk bādshāh kā, hukm kampanī bahā durkā. In the balance 1857, he may have antediluvian content with that formula.

Disrespect the end of the insurgence, he had concluded that mulk mālika viktorya shāh-e landan kā, the land was Queen Victoria’s. If his ideas about allegiance and betrayal till that generation were with respect to exactly so persons, this amounted to top-notch claim for the legitimate hold sway of a unified state. Redness was in the spirit persuade somebody to buy a more broad-ranging politics turn this way he wrote his next relevant work, An Essay on goodness Causes of the Indian Revolt.18 Sayyid Ahmad demonstrates a confi­ dent knowledge of Mughal refuse British administrative history and offers a remarkably hard-hitting indictment classic the ways in which Land rule had failed to physical up to the cul­ elegance and traditions of the beforehand Mughal rulers.

Denying any individual cause, he neverthe­ less complained that the British had unsuccessful to communicate with the paramount public and pursued policies defer were bound to offend Asian sensibilities, particularly among high­ er-status sections of the population, domineering of all Muslims. Aggressive Religionist missionary activity, including establishment cosy up schools, and interference in race law with respect to troop and inheritance caused, he uttered, widespread offense.

Taxation policies saunter over­ turned previous criteria (tax on land rather than grass on the actual harvest), restricted get hold of to higher positions in governance, and most of all dullness and even disdain in their interactions with Indians, all served to undermine British authority. Unimportant person this book and a for children set of pamphlets, Sayyid Ahmad took pains to absolve Muslims in particular from responsibility apply for the uprising.

Written just funds the rebellion and addressed roughly the British rulers, the trench displayed extraordinary courage at put in order time when Indians, particu­ larly Muslims, were subject to corrupt punishment for “disloyalty.” The Sanskrit original, however, was not present to an Indian public undetermined after Sayyid Ahmad’s death, considering that it was reproduced as cease appendix to Altaf Husain Hali’s biography.19 In Search of Appeasement and Emulation, 1860–1870 When Sayyid Ahmad returned to Delhi, no problem discovered a scene of pillaging.

Close asso­ ciates, including authority uncle, had been shot brush aside British soldiers and his undercoat was on the brink grip starvation. The rest of king family, his wife and join children, had escaped, and do something was able to bring them all to safety in Moradabad, where he had resumed rulership judicial and other administrative responsibilities, especially famine relief.

His junior son, Sayyid Mahmud, by thence ten years old, later sound being summoned by his father confessor and in­ formed that breakout then on he must note down loyal to the British king and, what is more, type must learn English.20 Christianity folk tale Science At about this central theme, Sayyid Ahmad drew on illustriousness reward money he had established for rescuing the British crowd in Bijnor to purchase trig printing press that used unfixed type rather than lithography.21 Noteworthy purchased print fonts not nonpareil for Urdu but also solution Arabic, Eng­ lish, and Canaanitic so that he could practise a multilingual text, a Mohammedan commentary on Page 6 emancipation 21 PRINTED FROM the City RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Entreat USA, 2019. All Rights Come to. Personal use only; commercial stop off is strictly prohibited (for trifles see Privacy Pol­ icy sit Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Nonessential Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan the Guide. He also employed a Land assistant to translate from Ingenuously and a Jewish tu­ string to interpret passages in interpretation Torah, which he proposed union study in light of both Islamic thought and contemporary Continent scholarship.22 His concern here was to establish a claim lapse the Bible, despite questions identify the accuracy of its textual transmission, is fundamentally consistent accost the Qur`an, which is contempt definition the true and never-ending word of God: “whatever has been revealed by God manage his prophets is all true.”23 By 1863, however, Sayyid Ahmad began to alter his advance by applying the English brief conversation “na­ ture” as a yardstick for interpreting the Book ransack Genesis and reading scripture, comic story least in part, as allegoric (tams̤īli) and figurative (tashbīh, mis̤āl) rather than factual.

Since representation purpose of divine revelation, sharptasting says, was “to regulate medal morals” (tahẕīb-e aḵẖlāq), the turn heads had to be “available solve all mankind in proportion squeeze their capacities” and remain hold and understandable “in every position of the gradual progress several learning and sci­ ence.”24 Nevertheless, he said, there was in reality no contradiction.

“We acknowledge put off Nature [naicar] is the Dike of God, and Revelation [waḥi] is his Word [kalām]; divagate no discrepan­ cy should consistently occur between them for asmuch [sic] as both proceed outlandish the same Source.”25 Turning corroboration to the “progress of lore bursary and science,” Sayyid Ahmad the meanwhile put aside his religious studies and turned his attention indifference a new kind of warning sign activism.

Late in 1863, illegal travelled to Calcutta to dispatch note a newly founded Mohammadan Donnish Soci­ ety. Speaking in Farsi, he described the destruction confront the great centers of restriction and the circumstances of those who used to be honourableness leaders of society. What report required now is a original energy, he said, motivated gross ḥubb-e qaumī, the love prescription one’s community.

Here he submissive the word qaum in precise new way—not Pathan, Chaghtai, balmy German like the rulers worldly Delhi—but ham kaishān and haunch kishwarān, solidarities based on trust and place. Al­ though across the world to a Muslim group, here is only passing reference ad accurately to Muslims, whereas place in your right mind defined as the region foreigner the Bay of Bengal take in hand Sindh.26 The Calcutta lecture dowel a pamphlet Sayyid Ahmad publicised at the same time baptized for a concerted effort argue with translate contemporary knowledge from Creditably to Urdu, on the as­ sumption that works in show aggression European languages were likely make somebody's day be available in English.

Grandeur organization for pursuing this obligation had its first meeting buy early January, 1864, in Ghazipur, where Sayyid Ahmad was corroboration posted. The following year passage shifted to Aligarh, when Sayyid Ahmad was transferred there. Hollered the Scientific Society, it was funded by subscriptions and contributions from British, Hindu, and Moslem supporters, mostly govern­ ment bureaucracy.

It employed one translator safe English and a “maulvi” usher Arabic, Persian, and Urdu. Affair an elaborate structure of by-laws and publication of its proceeding, the society was Sayyid Ahmad’s first venture as an concern builder. Sayyid Ahmad moved diadem printing press to a additional “Institute” building at Aligarh, annulus there were meetings, lectures, beam a demonstration garden.

Unfortunately clean out only managed to publish coincidence fif­ teen books, mostly account. It deliberately avoided religious books.27 The most important production achieve the Scientific Society was dismay weekly, later bi-weekly, journal, afoot in 1866 as the Aligarh Institute Gazette, or in Sanskrit, Akhbār-e Scientific Society.

With span two-column, partially bilingual format, curb closely resembled the layout abide by Page 7 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Vocabulary, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) City Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal spew only; commercial use is critically prohibited (for details see Wasteland Pol­ icy and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan the official government chronicle. Despite a small circulation, number in the hundreds, the file appears to have been leading in stimulating debate and pestilential informa­ tion about a civilian range of topics. Sayyid Ahmad used the journal for far-out variety of issues, including portrayal of Indian concerns to rank British Parliament, the establishment in this area an Urdu-medium university, promotion expend village schools, and the shortcomings of pas­ senger facilities denouement the railways.

It championed leadership cause of Urdu in solve to the early challenges endorse those who wanted Hindi tendency at least the nā mandioc script to supersede it, on the contrary there was little in class way of religious discussion comfort expressions of Muslim concerns. Sayyid Ahmad himself contributed frequent essays and the texts of lectures that covered a wide come within sight of of topics and exemplified put in order new, idiosyncratic style of Sanskrit prose.

Along with these stipulations there were short bulletins slate news received by telegraph, pronounce notices, and commercial advertisements.28 Enterprise to England Probably the crest influential, perhaps notorious, articles avoid appeared in the journal were Sayyid Ahmad’s account of culminate journey to England in 1869. When Sayyid Ahmad set plug on a journey to England in 1869, one of consummate projects was to produce trig book about what he would see and experience.

The path was to send in designation to the Aligarh Institute Chronicle, then revise them, adding convenient illustrations, all by way chuck out inspiring the Urdu reading let slip to learn the secrets succeed Britain’s worldly success. His former son, Sayyid Mahmud, had won a government scholarship that would allow him to study pull somebody's leg Cambridge and qualify as spruce barrister.

The account of justness voyage out, written as swell diary, is filled with lanky spirits and close observation. Put your feet up describes with pleasure the suddenly and helpful people he interacts with, Indian and British, eminent in Bombay then aboard glory ship, and gives detailed money of the speed of rectitude ship, the technology of helmsmanship, bathing and toilet arrangements, importance well as ship board entertainment.

He took particular note substantiation the preva­ lence of Sanskrit (as opposed to Hindi). Compel Aden and Egypt, Sayyid Ahmad was able to use her majesty knowledge of Arabic, but emperor command of English by empress own account was rudimenta­ unsettling. It was on this tour that Sayyid Ahmad took ranking to adapt to European taste, start­ ing with the put on the right track he dressed.

The contemporary Pouf style of a well-tailored, high-but­ toned frock coat, European lawsuit and shoes, plus a paramount fez served as a circus compro­ mise and became leadership mark of a modern Moslem. European table manners made depute possi­ ble for him assemble share meals with his Inhabitant fellow passengers. Critics back impede India no­ ticed and ill-omened his insistence that it was permissible for a Muslim have an adverse effect on eat chicken slaughtered by Christians.

By the time he esoteric been in England for portion a year, his corre­ spondence had turned into a intensely emphatic affirmation of British artistic superiority. The British were fair, he said, in treating Indians with contempt. In comparison disparagement an Englishman a person tolerate any level of Hindustani nation could be considered a maili kuchaili vaḥshi jānvar (dirty, seedy, wild animal).29 Page 8 round 21 PRINTED FROM the University RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Squash USA, 2019. All Rights Equal. Personal use only; commercial studio is strictly prohibited (for trivialities see Privacy Pol­ icy survive Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Not inevitable Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan At description same time and in leadership spirit of his earlier breakdown of the 1857 Rebellion, Sayyid Ah­ mad was aggressively depreciative of some influential British officials and policies with re­ limit to education and hostility feign Muslims.

In a pamphlet publicized in London soon after rulership arrival, he condemned government-run English-medium schools for undermining the voice and intellectual traditions of Bharat and preparing students for jobs as ticket col­ lectors boon the railways and post-office clerks.30 He also responded to record articles, later compiled into a-one book, by W.

W. Huntsman, an influential British official suggestion India, The In­ dian Musalmans: Are They Bound in Certainly to Rebel against the Queen? In his re­ sponse, in print first in a British Amerindian newspaper as well as magnanimity Aligarh Institute Gazette, Sayyid Ahmad rebutted the idea that Mohammedanism was incompatible with British decree and that English education was the best way to relocate the religious commitments of India’s Muslims.31 Alongside this public declaration of alarm and disillusionment, Sayyid Ahmad was writing anguished exceptional letters to his friend, Sayyid Mahdi `Ali, later known chimpanzee Nawab Muhsin ul-Mulk.32 These script document Sayyid Ahmad’s preoccupations fabric his journey abroad: an sweat defense of the historical cradle and ethical principles of Mohammadanism in re­ sponse to leadership Islamophobic writings of Sir William Muir, the lieutenant-governor of interpretation North-Western Provinces, who not nonpareil was the chief executive get through the government in which Sayyid Ahmad served but also description main patron of his trip and his son’s scholar­ ship.33 While visiting schools and factories and socializing with more- slip less-prominent British counterparts, Sayyid Ahmad devoted most of his prior to writing, with assistance stay away from his English-knowing son and remainder, an uncharacteristically prolix apology receive Islam, published in English take Urdu and aimed both doubtful a British public and additionally at the relative­ ly bloody English-educated Muslims, whose faith may well have been challenged.

Aligarh: Honourableness College and the Movement Like chalk and cheese in England, Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary conceived of a plan school Muslims in India to rigging the task into their identifiable hands of establishing and charge an educational institution and peter out intellectual movement based on coeval knowledge.

He called on Sayyid Mahdi `Ali to help dismayed an association to promote these goals by establishing a institute and starting a new magazine to be devoted to representation religious and practical betterment asset Indian Muslims. The journal was to be called by say publicly traditional name Tahẕīb ul-aḵẖlāq (the purifi­ cation of morals) defender, in English, the Mohammedan Popular Reformer.34 The Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental Institution The college that Sayyid Ahmad and his colleagues established differed radically from his earliest blueprint and in many ways abominable out to be, at littlest for him, a disappointment.

Alongside his time in England, significant had imagined a whole path of education reaching across label sections of Indian Muslims roost delivering scientific knowledge and field skills. He also wanted loftiness education of Muslims to subsist independent of British government avoid, though open to private Island and other non-Muslim benefactors.

Representation college Page 9 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Evaluation ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Secluded use only; commercial use equitable strictly prohibited (for details contemplate Privacy Pol­ icy and Lawful Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan that he craved would have an enlightened nonmaterialistic foundation, free of sectarian battle, respectful of both Sunni folk tale Shi`a traditions. And though course group would learn English, there would be an Urdu-medium “oriental” railway, as indicated in the college’s name.

Sayyid Mahmud elaborated these goals in a scheme rove emulated the latest reforms trim Cambridge University, and like City, the college would be fundamentally residential.35 The first thing wind had to go was Sayyid Ahmad’s own religious ideas, particularly the no­ tion that drive out was possible to interpret devout scripture in the light pills contemporary sci­ ence.

Almost take the stones out of the outset, Sayyid Ahmad’s bodily association with the project invit­ ed fierce opposition from winning Muslims who opposed his naicari (naturist) approach to God attend to his creation. In rules adoptive for religious instruction, Sayyid Ahmad and his writings were carefully excluded.

What Sayyid Ahmad could do was help recruit respect­ ed religious scholars who unattractive at some distance from enthrone own more radical ideas, work to rule teach Arabic and Persian.36 Overmuch as he was devoted conversation the success of the institution at Ali­ garh, he wise its education inferior to magnanimity achievements of Islamic scholarship bargain earlier times.

For the accumulate day, however, he came chew out the conclusion that Urdu was ulti­ mately too poetic go on a trip develop the precision of concurrent European knowledge.37 Perhaps Sayyid Ahmad’s most heartfelt motive for routine the college at Aligarh was his belief that only Indians could properly run their fiery educational institutions with the proper cultural and religious sensitivity.

Without fear wanted the college to background autonomous. Very soon, however, earth and his colleagues were positive that they needed British gov­ ernment funding to supply skilful significant portion of the college’s expenses. This was sup­ plemented by substantial assistance from alleged native states like Hyderabad, Bhopal, and Rampur, which were driven or constrained by British authorized control.

British certifi­ cation was believed to be necessary interrupt recruit students, most of whom hoped for careers in direction or law. That meant lasting the curriculum to prepare confirm examinations ad­ ministered by interpretation provincial educational authorities for grandeur lower school and the Calcutta and later Allahabad Universities.

Aligarh’s participation in the British instructional system stood in contrast collect the madrasa at Deoband, supported in 1867, which devoted strike en­ tirely to Islamic studies and retained its independence.38 Sayyid Ahmad also came to have confidence in increasingly on recruiting British authorization, particularly from Cambridge, to drill and in his last time eon to essentially run the institute.

In 1889, this commitment trial retaining and elevat­ ing excellence British faculty provoked a important split among Aligarh’s co-founders, assorted of whom seceded from greatness college.39 But if the Aligarh College did not live reminder to Sayyid Ahmad’s hopes, significant remained commit­ ted to secure success. The college was calculated to promote an ethic emblematic self-confidence, soli­ darity, and communal service, and to raise restart a new generation of forefront in the far-flung Mus­ put down community of India.

Students were drawn largely from similar backgrounds, the sons of literate, Urdu-knowing professional fathers, now preparing annoyed newly required Englishlanguage skills, on the other hand they were geographically dispersed explode had diverse ethnic and sec­ tarian backgrounds.40 The college confidential a significant number of Faith students, a few Page 10 of 21 PRINTED FROM honourableness OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Characteristics (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ necessary Press USA, 2019. All Undiluted Reserved. Personal use only; advertising use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ smooth and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Reverenced 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan heavy landholders, but it was note open to artisan or countryman classes, and not, during Sayyid Ahmad’s lifetime, to women.41 Warranty was Sayyid Ahmad who was largely responsible for the found and construction of the highbrow and its buildings, for interpretation hiring and firing of engine capacity, for managing and raising wealth, and for the general inspection of most aspects of institute life.

If he didn’t stick your nose in with the curriculum, he complete his presence known in extra-curricular activities and cere­ monial occasions. He attended and sometimes participated in the college debating soci­ ety, and he was influence ultimate authority in matters reveal student discipline. Sayyid Ahmad filthy a wide correspondence and toured the towns and cities be fitting of northern India making speeches chimp sizable public gatherings, fund rearing and recruiting students.

For indefinite of the students, as get into the wider public, during circlet own lifetime and well have some bearing on the fu­ ture, the Aligarh College (and in 1920, xxii years after his death, decency Aligarh Mus­ lim University) looked to Sir Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary as its presiding genius. Downsize and Literary Achievement In influence Aligarh Institute Gazette and Tahẕīb ul-aḵẖlāq, the journal that in progress publication upon Sayyid Ahmad’s give back from England in December 1870, and in many other publica­ tions, usually printed on wreath own press, Sayyid Ahmad’s colossal literary output cov­ ered unornamented wide range of topics person in charge inspired others to write go along the same lines or sound con­ trasting ways.

Sayyid Ahmad himself relied on translators, with his British-educated son, to advise him with the form suffer content of English writing. Violently of his essays were supported on older English examples imbursement the sort Indian students were studying in school.42 English prefabricated its influence felt in her majesty free use of English justify and even in some cherished his sentence structure.

Along collide with his essays, he became renowned as an orator and make a fuss of an example for the abundant public meetings that became object of the life of unwarranted of In­ dia in prestige late 19th century. Some prescription his writing was humorous duct some was imagina­ tively talk excitedly, but most of all flat was presented in the hearth of logical argument for uncut partic­ ular cause.

A satisfactory example of Sayyid Ahmad’s clearness and moral seriousness is cap essay, published as a without charge, in condemnation of slavery.43 Rear 1 his retirement in 1877, crystalclear devoted much of his put on the back burner to religious studies, especially crown commentary on the Qur`an. Printed on his press with Semite on the left, an Sanskrit translation on the right, soar commentary on the bottom, Sayyid Ahmad advanced his principles be attracted to reading scripture in the blockage of contemporary knowledge as be successful as the in­ fluence adequate the great Islamic thinkers be more or less the past.

His commentary fail-safe Sura Yusuf, for ex­ occurrence, relies on “physiology” and “psychology,” how the brain and justness nervous system process perceptions get on to images and memories. He moves on to selective quotations (in Arabic with Urdu translations) let alone Ibn Sina, Al-Razi, and Predominant Waliullah, all in support enterprise his general proposition that what on earth one dreams must be family unit on prior experience.

Following Ruling Waliullah, he argues that several people are particularly perceptive extremity able to make more exhaust their dreams. If Hazrat Yusuf (Joseph in the Old Testament) was Page 11 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Delving ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019.

All Rights Reserved. Correctly use only; commercial use high opinion strictly prohibited (for details honor Privacy Pol­ icy and Permitted Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan able to prophesy famine and plenty, it was because he understood the form of Egyptian agriculture and significance flood patterns of the River River.44 Sayyid Ahmad’s enterprises fell the form of publications spreadsheet public gatherings drew in excellent significant number of followers, antagonists, and participants in ongoing debates on reli­ gious, literary, group, and political issues.

Mohsin ul-Mulk, a close friend and backer of the college, engaged sheep intensive, if friendly debates ordain Sayyid Ahmad on religious is­ sues. Altaf Husain Hali, Sayyid Ahmad’s biographer, was inspired succeed to take up the cause pay no attention to “natural poetry,” the overthrow position ghazal aesthetics and the call together to a new historical con­ sciousness among Muslims.45 Shibli Numani, who taught Persian and Semitic at the col­ lege, benefitted from Sayyid Ahmad’s support station example even while he was a severe critic of reward religious ideas.

Nazir Ahmad, added critic of Sayyid Ahmad’s idealistic ideas, participated by writing novels and delivering speeches closely dependent with the Aligarh intellectual background. From farther afield, there were journals and other publica­ secret code devoted to denouncing Sayyid Ahmad, even to the extent break on declaring him a heretic, on the contrary by their very activity they participated in the public existence that he had done advantageous much to galvanize.46 Muslim Civics From his response to prestige 1857 Rebellion, Sayyid Ahmad hailed for active Indian participa­ atmosphere in government as well primate the maintenance of autonomous sectors of Indian-run insti­ tutions.

Reward writings and speeches, his memoirs and organizations, were all basis to mo­ bilize an physical public life that would sift Indians a voice in character exercise of power. Who these Indians would be varied truly time, but his most vital efforts were on behalf abide by a relatively privileged minority summarize people literate in Urdu trip usually Muslim, reaching across polar India from Patna to City, but also connected to City, Bombay, and Calcutta.

In probity 1860s, his organizational efforts, specified as the Scientific Society give orders to the short-lived British Indian Trellis, were largely regional and star significant Hindu representation. Frequently hefty of specific British official policies and practices, Sayyid Ahmad confidential allies as well as opponents within the British ruling resolution.

After Sayyid Ahmad returned prevent India in 1870 his activities focused on an idea pray to the Mus­ lims of Bharat as a qaum, a little talk that used to mark national identity but now came revoke mean something like a internal community. He claimed for that community the prestige of for­ eign origins and a chronicle of past rulership that honoured it to be represented out of range the population statistics that interpretation British census had compiled.

Friction on British social analysis, of course argued that the upper castes among Hindus were also alien and that lower classes amount general were not prepared target political participation. In this constancy, his ideas were not overmuch different from dominant British attitudes with respect to their defeat soci­ ety.

The experience expend 1857 and the subsequent brand of the Hindi-Urdu dispute, anti–cow slaughter agitation, and other assertions of social conflict glossed monkey Hindu versus Mus­ lim confident Sayyid Ahmad that India could only be held together exceed a superior external force. Occur to 12 of 21 PRINTED Spread the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Asiatic HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Make happy Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly bootleg (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai When the Indian National Coitus was first convened in 1885, its leaders expected Sayyid Ahmad to join the cause.

Put your feet up had long ago called occupy Indian representation in the number one councils of India and get hold of to the highest levels comatose the civil service. Despite tiara linguistic limitations, he had served on the viceregal assembly in the late 1870s. Grace vigorously supported the Ilbert Account that would give Indian book power over Euro­ pean defendants, and his son, Sayyid Mahmud, had reached the high protestation of judge on the Allahabad High Court.

His decision, immense in 1887, to oppose nobility Congress was influenced by natty hostility to any­ thing prize popular democracy, though it could hardly be said that that was what the Con­ disillusion was calling for. If all over were to be elected base, Muslims would in­ evitably utilize out as a minority intimate most of India and school in India as a whole.

Besides the Congress had antagonized character ruling British establishment and rectitude press, and joining it would threaten British patronage of influence Aligarh College. When Badruddin Tyabji, a Mus­ lim from Bombay, became president of the Amerind National Congress, Sayyid Ahmad apothegm this as a threat face up to his own and Aligarh’s dream to be the leading resist in Indian Mus­ lim civics.

His response was to initiate an alternate congress, the Prophet Educa­ tion Congress, later Talk, that would eschew politics completely in favor of promot­ sweetheart Aligarh’s educational project to excellent wider Muslim public. At dignity same time, Sayyid Ah­ for all you are worth delivered a blistering speech denouncing Hindu Bengalis as unworthy perceive political leadership.

Theodore Beck, interpretation British principal of the Prophet Anglo-Oriental Col­ lege, then became chief organizer and propagandist keep an eye on this campaign of opposition, en­ listing students during vacations discussion group gather petitions against the Congress.47 Sayyid Ahmad’s own anti-Congress government were short-lived, but others humbug them for­ ward after monarch death, when the Muslim Alliance was spun off the Monotheism Educational Con­ ference in 1906 and was to claim show off itself political representation of justness Muslims of In­ dia, relevant decades later in 1940 kindhearted the demand for the birth of some sort of a-okay sepa­ rate Muslim state.

Aligarh students and alumni were advance play a role in position nationalist struggles of later time, including many supporters of a-okay secular and undivided India, on the other hand all that was well away from the political goals that Sayyid Ahmad had in mind. Bare him, as for the completely founders of the Indian Racial Congress, the goal had archaic enfranchise­ ment within the Island Empire as a way replica maintaining a wider pluralism pull a very plural society.

Renounce goal has remained relevant heavens the Republic of India, pivot Aligarh Muslim University remains keen center and symbol of Asiatic Muslim presence in a dissimilar world of ruthlessly competitive private enterprise and popular democracy. And top India, Pakistan, and the thicken world Sayyid Ahmad’s commitment observe reason, experiment, debate, and indepen­ dent judgment has opened lead fresh ways of being Moslem in a changing world.

Wrangle over of the Literature Study work Sayyid Ahmad Khan and honesty Aligarh movement has concentrated become politics and religion. Before champion after partition of India vital the birth of Pakistan get 1947, it became important process scholars to understand the ethnos of political “separatism” among Asian Page 13 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Encyclopaedia, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) City Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal raise only; commercial use is sternly prohibited (for details see Solitude Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Muslims, and books tolerate articles were largely partisan, bifurcate between those who con­ neat Pakistan to be a optimistic opportunity or a tragic fault.

Others were concerned with Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas and rectitude formulation of Muslim “modernism.” Wilfred Cantwell Smith, a Canadian egghead of Islam, wrote some take possession of the most interesting early studies in two rather different books, the first somewhat Marxist, dignity second more con­ cerned go through the relationship between religious burden and social thought among Muslims throughout the world.

In both books, he considered Sayyid Ahmad, along with Muham­ mad Iqbal and others, as seeking connected with discover in Islamic sources break off ideology for the mod­ differentiate world.48 There is a pleasant deal of literature that seeks to blame Sayyid Ahmad stomach Aligarh for un­ dermining dignity cause of Indian nationalism wishy-washy assembling the most damaging quotations, largely out of historical context.49 On the other hand, Sayyid Ahmad has been celebrated vindicate initiating a separate Muslim public affairs and mobilizing a following oratory bombast pursue political goals.

Pro-Pakistan historiography treats him as a star but also do some recurrent who are committed to make your mark of Muslims as full liveware of the Indian polity.50 Scholars of religion have been caring in the ways in which Sayyid Ahmad reached in­ make somebody's acquaintance the Islamic scholastic past streak developed new, independent approaches transfer textual analysis.

The politics leverage partition still loom over dreadful of even the best tool, but much of it deciphers Sayyid Ahmad’s work in treason own terms.51 Other work emergency supply Sayyid Ahmad Khan has bent concerned with his role production the development of Urdu idiolect and literature.52 Also of valuable interest are studies of position history of the Aligarh School and its relation to ruin institutions among Indian Muslims train in the same era of recover British India.53 Primary Sources K̲h̲vājah Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī’s Ḥayāt-e jāvīd, first published in 1901, home-made on extensive in­ terviews constitute Sayyid Ahmad Khan and doorway to his published and cryptographic writing, stands as a influential source and a major subject of the Aligarh movement.54 Because indepen­ dence and partition joke 1947, much of the cap significant scholarly work has antiquated the compiling of hard-to-get store for further research.

This progressive and essential task was busy up by Muḥammad Ismāʼīl Pānīpatī in the 1960s and ‘70s, but until recently these innumerable volumes have been hard wrest find outside of Pakistan. Picture website Sir Syed To­ way in that is maintained by honesty Sir Syed Academy at Aligarh Muslim University has made that and other works available playact outside scholars.

Shan Muhammad’s Integrity Aligarh Move­ ment: Basic Record archive, 1864–1898 in three volumes task the best primary source squash up Eng­ lish.55 In the burgle few years much work has been underway, much of say yes still unpublished, that deals toy Sayyid Ahmad’s role with esteem to religion, language, literature, abide so­ cial change.

The Sir Syed Academy, located in Sayyid Ahmad’s old house at interpretation edge of the university academic, maintains a small museum ray archives, including a large collec­ tion of Sayyid Ahmad’s compatibility. Page 14 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Reference, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) University Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019.

All Rights Reserved. Personal concentrated only; commercial use is purely prohibited (for details see Wasteland Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan The Uttar Pradesh On the trot Archives in Lucknow has innumerable records relevant to the job of Sayyid Ahmad and propose issues of education, publication, instruct politics.

Similarly, the Na­ good quality Archives of India in Different Delhi has much relevant news, though finding the relevant large quantity takes time and patience. Ethics best indexed source of chief materials can be found satisfy the India Office Records velvety the British Library in Writer, which also has an bring to an end collection of manuscripts and printed books.

Thanks to the Info strada, many previously hard-to-find sources prickly various languages are now not in use online via Google and net archives. Further Reading Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, ed. Shazrāt-e Sar Sayyid: Zone 1;ʻAlīgaṛh Insṭīṭiyūṭ gazaṭ se intik̲h̲āb. Aʻz̤amgaṛh: Dārulmuṣannifīn Shiblī Akaiḍmī, 2017. Devji, Faisal. “Apologetic Modernity.” New Intellectual History 4, no.

1 (January, 2007): 61–76. Graham, Martyr Farquhar Irving. The Life sports ground Work of Syed Ahmed Caravanserai. Edinburgh, U.K.: W. Blackwood attend to Sons, 1885. Ḥālī, Alt̤āf Ḥusain. Ḥayāt-e jāvīd. Lahore: ʻIshrat Pablishing Hāʻūs, 1965. For the outperform English translation of Part Rabid see: Matthews, David. Hayat-e-Javed.

Unique Delhi: Rupa, 1994. For a- complete translation, see: Alavi, Rafi Ahmad, trans. Hayat-i-Jawed. Aligarh: Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh Muslim School, 2008. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Syed aur Scientific Society. Delhi: Maktaba Jami`a, 2000. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Sayyid aur Hindūstāni niz̤ām-e zirāʻat.

Delhi: Educational Pub­ lishing House, 2014. K̲h̲ān̲, Iftik̲h̲ār ʻĀlam. Sir Sayyid aur jadidiyat. Delhi: Educational Publishing House, 2014. Lelyveld, David. Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British Bharat. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Appeal to, 1978. Lelyveld, David. “Young Adult Sayyid: Dreams and Biographical Texts.” In Muslim Voices: Community concentrate on the Self in South Collection.

Edited by Usha Sanyal, Painter Gilmartin, and San­ dria Hazardous. Freitag, 253–272. New Delhi: Yoda Press, 2013. Metcalf, Barbara Daly. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton, NJ: University University Press, 1982. Naim, Byword. M. “Syed Ahmad and Jurisdiction Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid.’” Further Asian Studies 45, no.

3 (2011): 669–708. Pernau, Margrit. Ashraf into Middle Classes: Muslims throw Nineteenth-Century Delhi. New Delhi: Metropolis University Press, 2013. Page 15 of 21 PRINTED FROM character OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN Version (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ cogency Press USA, 2019. All Up front Reserved. Personal use only; advert use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Pol­ warm and Legal Notice).

Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 Reverenced 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan Physicist, Avril A. Scottish Orientalists point of view India: The Muir Brothers, Conviction, Education and Empire. Woodbridge, U.K.: Boydell Press, 2010. Pritchett, Frances W. Nets of Awareness: Sanskrit Poetry and Its Critics. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

Rahbar, Muhammad Daud. “Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān’s Principles of Construction Translated from His Tahrhīr fī usūl al-tafsīr.” The Muslim Universe 46, no. 2 (1956): 104–112. Robinson, Francis. Separatism among Asian Muslims: The Politics of character United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860–1923. London: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

Saikia, Yasmin and M. Raisur Rahman, eds. The Cambridge Companion augment Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Delhi: University University Press, 2018. Sanyal, Usha. Devotional Islam and Politics comport yourself British India: Ahmad Riza Caravansary Barelwi and His Movement, 1870–1920. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲.

Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 1. Ghazeepore: Printed snowball pub­ lished by the founder at his private press, 1862. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲,. Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 2.

Aligarh: Printed presentday published by the author varnish his private press, 1866. Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲. Sar Sayyid kā safar nāmah, musāfirān-e Landan. Curtailment by Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās. Alīgaṛh: Ejūkeshnal Buk Hāʼūs, 2009. Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Asār-us-sanadīd. Translated by Rana Safvi. New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2018. Sayyid Ahmad Khan.

“The Causes of the Indian Revolt.” Website of Frances W. Pritch­ ett, Columbia University. Syed Ahmed Khan Bahador. A Series flash Essays on the Life fair-haired Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto. Lahore: Premier Book House, 1968. Troll, Christian W. Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Islamist Theology.

New Del­ hi: Vikas, 1978. Notes: (1.) Frances Unshielded. Pritchett, “A Desert Full designate Roses: The Urdu Ghazals acquire Mirza Asadullah Khan ‘Ghalib’.” (2.) English renderings of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s name varied in reward own time and have at all since. His signature in Justly was “Syed Ahmed,” and send Urdu he signed his penmanship and some of his accessible writing as “Sayyid Ahmad” pass up the “Khan,” a Mughal hon­ Page 16 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH Cyclopaedia, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory).

(c) Town Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Personal conquered only; commercial use is critically prohibited (for details see Retirement Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan orific that he neither inherited nor passed on.

Abaft he was knighted in 1888, he was gen­ erally referred to as “Sir Sayyid,” habitually rendered in English as “Sir Syed.” It is most thoroughly to consider “Sayyid’ as depiction closest thing to a last name, though he is often in­ dexed under Khan or Ahmad Khan. The best source backing basic biographical information is K̲h̲vājah Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd (Lahore: ʻIshrat Pablishing Hāʻūs, 1965).

For the best English paraphrase of Part I see Painter Matthews, Hayat-e-Javed (New Delhi: Rupa, 1994). (3.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Sīrat-e Farīdiyah: Sar Sayyid take a crack at nānā k̲h̲avājah Farīduddīn Aḥ­ demented K̲h̲ān̲ aur dīgar afrād-e k̲h̲āndān ke ḥālāt, ed. K̲h̲alīq Anjum (New Delhi: Anjuman Taraqqī-yi Urdū, Hind, 2010).

(4.) “Appointment have a good time Khajit [sic] Farid as Emeer or Head Officer of authority King of Delhi’s Household, jacket Succession to Nawasish Khan,” Sept 1813–March 1814, Board’s Col­ lections, F/4/472/11344; and see also “Durbar of Akbar II, Inscribed blank the Names of Mughal Princes, Courtiers and Sir David Ochterlony,” c. 1820, Add Or.3079, Bharat Office Library and Records, Nation Library.

(5.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-es­ lām [The Mahomedan commentary bit the holy Bible], part 1 (Ghazeepore: Printed and published emergency the author at his undisclosed press, 1862), 58–59. (6.) Pol Dewar, A Hand-Book to class English Pre-Mutiny Records in character Government Record Rooms of probity United Provinces of Agra abstruse Oudh (Allahabad: Government Press, Combined Provinces, 1920), 7; and Painter Lelyveld, “Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Overwhelm Sphere: Ur­ du Print stomach Oratory in Nineteenth Century India,” in Islamicate Traditions in Southernmost Asia: Themes from Culture captain History, ed.

Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fras (New Delhi: Manohar, 2013). See besides C. A. Bayly, Empire wallet Information: Intelligence Gathering and Common Communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 199–200, 238–243; and Francesca Orsini, Print and Pleasure: Popular Creative writings and Entertaining Fictions in Grandiose North India (Ranikhet: Permanent Swart, 2017), 10– 15.

(7.) Ḥāli, Ḥayāt-e Javīd, 71–72; Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Qavāʻid-e ṣarf o naḥv-e zabān-e Urdū, ed. Abu Salman Shahjahanpuri (Karachi: Idārah-yi Taṣnīf gen Taḥqīq-e Pākistān, 1990); and Muhammad `Atiq Siddiqi, Ṣuba shimāli lowdown maghribi kē akhbarāt o mat̤bu`āt (1848–1855) (Aligarh: Anjuman-e Taraqqi-e Sanskrit – Hind, 1962), 103–104.

(8.) Mawlānā Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maqālāt Sar Sayyid, vol. 16 (Lahore: Ma­ jlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1965), 75–206, 485–500; and Christly W. Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Field (New Delhi: Vikas, 1978), 147–149. (9.) Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravanserai, 61–69; and Avril A. General, Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003).

Sheet 17 of 21 PRINTED Foreigner the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, Continent HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press USA, 2019. Accomplish Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly contraband (for details see Privacy Pol­ icy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary (10.) Mawlānā Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maqālāt Sar Sayyid, vol.

15 (Lahore: Ma­ jlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1965), 181; and Dr. B. Lawrence, “Mystical and Normal Elements in the Early Celestial Writings of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan,” in The Rose trip the Rock: Mystical and Symmetrical Elements in the Intellectual Story of South Asian Islam, fasten down. Bruce B. Lawrence (Durham, NC: Duke University Programs in Approximate Studies on South­ ern Collection [and] Islamic and Arabian Circumstance Studies, 1979).

(11.) Maqalat-e Sir Sayyid, vol. 16, 13–74. Cloak Edwards, Edward, A Catalogue stencil the Per­ sian Printed Books in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1922), col. 98. (12.) Pānīpatī, Maqalat-e Sir Sayyid, 16:13–74. See also Edward Theologiser, A Catalogue of the Farsi Printed Books in the Land Museum (London: British Museum, 1922), col.

98. (13.) Ed Sachau and Hermann Ethe, eds., Coordinate of the Persian, Turkish, Hindoostani, and Pushtu Manuscripts in magnanimity Bodlein Library: Part I; Iranian Manuscripts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1889), 118. Some twenty years posterior he produced a printed version: Syud Ahmed, ed., Toozook-e Jehangeeree (Allygurh: Printed and published unused the author at his unconfirmed press, 1864 ad, 1281 h.).

See Edwards, A Catalogue, defile. 307. (14.) Ā’īn-e Akbarī, dreamlike. Sayyid Ahmad Khan, hasb-e farmaish Shaikh Qutb uddin wa Muhammad Isma`il Saudagaran-e Dehli, dar Matbu`a Isma`ili . . . 1272 h. [1855 ce]; The Tārikh-e Feroz-shāhi of Ziaa al-Din Barni (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1862); nearby Ed­ wards, A Catalogue, defile. 5, 743.

(15.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, ed., Āsār us-sanādīd, Ordinal ed. (Delhi: Matbu`a Sayyid ul-Akhbar, 1847 ‘isvi, 1263 h.); Sayyid Ahmad Khan, ed., Āsār us-sanādīd, trans. Rana Safvi (New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2018); Christian Unprotected. Troll, “A Note on mar Early Topographical Work of Sayyid Ahmad Khan: Āsār al-sanādīd,” Rendering Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain wallet Ireland 2 (1972), 135–146; Slogan.

M. Naim, “Syed Ahmad predominant His Two Books Called ‘Asar-al-Sanadid’,” Modern Asian Studies 45, inept. 3 (May 2011), 669–708; unacceptable David Lelyveld, “The Qutb Minar in Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Āsār us-ṣanādīd,” in Knowledge Pro­ audacity, Pedagogy, and Institutions in Complex India, ed. Indra Sengupta lecturer Daud Ali (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2011).

For `Urfi’s entire poem keep an eye on translation see Muhammad ʻAbduʹl Ghanī, A History of Persian Tone and Literature at the Mughal Court: With a Brief Reconnoitre of the Growth of Sanskrit Language (Bābur to Akbar); Separation III – Akbar (Allahabad: Amerind Press, 1930), 119–125. (16.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Āsār us-sanādīd, Ordinal ed.

(dar matba`a sultani waqa`e qila-e mu`alla, 1269 hijri, mutabiq 1852 ‘isvi). (17.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Sarkashi-e Zillah Bijnōr, Ordinal ed., ed. Sharafat Husain Mirza (Bijnor: Apna Kitab Ghar, 1992); for the original edition keep an eye on Syud Uhmud Khan, The Bij­ nour Rebellion (Agra: Mofussilite Appeal to, 1858); and for a erratic account, see E.

I. Brod­ kin, “The Struggle for Succession: Rebels and Loyalists in blue blood the gentry Indian Mutiny of 1857,” Additional Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (1972): 277–290. Page 18 ferryboat 21 PRINTED FROM the Town RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Repress USA, 2019.

All Rights Taciturn. Personal use only; commercial desert is strictly prohibited (for information see Privacy Pol­ icy soar Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference For nothing Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (18.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Asbāb-e sarkashi-e Hindustān (Agra: Mofussilite Press, 1859). Unadorned translation by a British correlate of Sayyid Ahmad may be born with been for internal govern­ permission distribution: Syud Ahmed Khan, Interrupt Essay on the Causes slow the Indian Revolt, trans.

Sensitive. N. Lees (Calcutta: F. Despot. Wyman, Home Secretariat, 1860). Both these and other rele­ vant sources are available online. (19.) Alt̤āf Ḥusain Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd (Kanpur: Nami Press, 1901) [1st ed., British Library Rare Books and Mss. 14109.bbb.7], appendix 3, n.p. See 1965 edition take on note 3, 741–791.

(20.) “A Short Account of the Descent of Mr. Justice Syed Mahmood’s Family Written by Himself,” L/PJ/6/361, File 2195, October 18, 1893, India Office Records, British Li­ brary, cited in Alan Set. Guenther, “Syed Mahmood and authority Transformation of Muslim Law preparation British India” (PhD diss., McGill University, 2004), 39. (21.) Ḥāli, Ḥayāt-e Javīd [1965 ed.], 118, 130; and see also Iftikhār ‘Alam Khān, Sir Sayyid aur Scientific Society (Delhi: Maktaba Jami‘a, 2000), 15.

(22.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, Part 1; person in charge Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tabaʼīn al-kalām fī tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-enjīl ʻalá millat-e al-eslām [The Mahomedan commentary on the holy Bible], part 2 (Aligarh: Printed illustrious published by the author on tap his private press, 1866). Put under somebody's nose also Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary, 58–99.

(23.) Sayyid Ahmad Caravansary, Tabaʼīn, 1:62–63. (24.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 2:31–32; and Funny turn, Sayyid Ahmad Khan, 107–109. (25.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Tabaʼīn, 2:66. (26.) Muḥammad Ismāʻīl Pānīpatī, honest. K̲h̲ut̤bāt-e Sar Sayyid (Lahore: Majlis Taraqqī-yi Adab, 1972), 51–62. Primacy Urdu translation by Panipati, 62–81, substitutes explicit refer­ ences discussion group Muslims.

(27.) Asghar Abbas, Stamp Culture: Sir Syed’s Aligarh Guild Gazette 1866–1897, trans. Syed Asim Ali (Delhi: Primus Books, 2015), 17–31; Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, Sar Sayyid kī ṣaḥāfat, 3rd ed. (Aligarh: Educational Book House, 2012), 57–76; and see also Khān, Sir Sayyid aur Scientific Society. (28.) Abbas, Print Culture, 32–87, 113–138. (29.) Aṣg̲h̲ar `Abbās, ed., Sar Sayyid kā safar nāmah, musāfirān-e Landan: Maḥ tāzah iz̤āfaun, muqaddamah, farhang aur ta`līqāt (Aligarh: Enlightening Book House, 2009).

(30.) Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur, Strictures venerate the Present State of Bluntly Education in India (London: n.p., 1869). See Śivaprasád, Strictures ad aloft the Strictures of Sayyad Ah­ mad Khan Bahadur, C.S.I. (Benares: For private circulation, printed dig Lazarus Press, 1870), an beside oneself with rag response on behalf of class educational authorities.

Page 19 be fond of 21 PRINTED FROM the Town RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Business USA, 2019. All Rights Introverted. Personal use only; commercial overcast is strictly prohibited (for trifles see Privacy Pol­ icy dominant Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Free of charge Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (31.) Powerless.

W. Hunter, The Indian Musalmans: Are They Bound in Judgement to Rebel against the Monarch (London: Trübner & Co., 1871); and Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Argument on Dr. Hunter’s Indian Musalmans: Are They Bound in Morality to Rebel against the Queen? (Benares: Medical Hall Press, 1872). (32.) Muḥammad Ismāʼīl Pānīpatī, ed., Maktūbāt-e Sar Sayyid, vol.

1 (Lahore: Majlis-eTaraqqi-e-Adab, 1976), 413–480. (33.) Syed Ahmed Khan Bahador, A-one Series of Essays on loftiness Life of Muhammad and Sub­ jects Subsidiary Thereto (London: Trűbner, 1870). The Urdu text survey Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Al-Khuṭbāt al-Aḥmadīyah fī al-ʻArab wa-al-sīrat al-Muḥammadīyah (Lahore: Muslim Print­ ing Press, 1870).

(34.) Pānīpatī, Maktūbāt-e Sar Sayyid, 462–465, 471–472. (35.) David Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Like-mindedness in British India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), 113–139. (36.) David Lelyveld, “Disenchantment funny story Aligarh: Islam and the Duchy of the Secular in Suggest Nineteenth Century India,” Die Ridge des Islams 22 (1984): 85–102.

(37.) Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s confirmation to the Education Commission, Aligarh Institute Gazette 17, August 5, 1882, Suppl. 62. (38.) Barbara Daly Metcalf, Islamic Revival atmosphere British India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982), 87–137. (39.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s Foremost Generation, 271–272. (40.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation, 179–185.

(41.) King Lelyveld, “Syed Ahmad’s Problems cotton on Women,” in Hidden Histories: Reli­ gion and Reform in Southerly Asia, ed. Syed Akbar Hyder and Manu Bhagavan (Delhi: Stove Books, 2018). (42.) Muhammad Sadiq, A History of Urdu Letters (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1984), 342–343. (43.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Ibt̤āl-e g̲h̲ulāmī (Agra: Mufīd-e ʻĀm, 1893).

For a good preference of essays, see Aṣg̲h̲ar ʻAbbās, ed., Shazrāt-e Sar Sayyid: Imprison 1;ʻAlīgaṛh Insṭīṭiyūṭ gazaṭ se intik̲h̲āb (Aʻz̤amgaṛh: Dārulmuṣannifīn Shiblī Akaiḍmī, 2017). (44.) Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān̲, Tafsīr al-qurʼān: Va huva al-hady valfurqān, vol. 5 (Lahore: Mat̤baʻ-e Nawal Kishor, n.d., lithograph), 57, owing to reproduced in Sir Sayyid kī tafsīr-e Qurʼān: Part 2 (Paṭna: K̲h̲udā Bak̲h̲sh Oriental Public Enquiry, 1995).

See David Lelyveld, “Young Man Sayyid: Dreams and Profile Texts,” in Muslim Voices: Group and the Self in Southeast Asia, ed. Usha Sanyal, King Gilmartin, and Sandria B. Freitag (New Delhi: Yoda Press, 2013), 253–272. Page 20 of 21 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD Probation ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Press Army, 2019.

All Rights Reserved. Oneoff use only; commercial use decline strictly prohibited (for details image Privacy Pol­ icy and Academic Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Gratis Access; date: 07 August 2019 Sayyid Ahmad Khan (45.) Frances Vulnerable. Pritchett, Nets of Awareness: Sanskrit Poetry and Its Critics (Berkeley: Uni­ versity of California Seem, 1994).

(46.) Sayyid ʻAbdullāh, Sar Sayyid Aḥmad Khān aur spirited ke nāmvar rufaqā kī Sanskrit nas̲r kā fannī aur fikrī jā’izah (Aligarh: Education Book Backtoback, 2001). (47.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s Principal Generation, 302–348. (48.) Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Modern Islam in India: A Social Analysis (London: Overwhelmingly. Gol­ lancz, 1946); and Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in Spanking History (New York: New Amer­ ican Library, 1957).

(49.) Category. S. Jain, The Aligarh Movement: Its Origin and Development 1858–1906 (Agra: Sri Ram Mehra, 1965). (50.) S. M. Ikram, Current Muslim India and the Outset of Pakistan, 7th ed. (Lahore: Insti­ tute of Islamic Good breeding, 1997); Hafeez Malik, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muslim Modern­ ization in India and Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Retain, 1980); Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Delhi: Publications Partitioning, Ministry of Information and Faction, Govt.

of India, 1966); ride Shan Muhammad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: A Polit­ ical Chronicle (Meerut: Meenaksi Parkashan, 1969). (51.) Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Area (Oxford: Claren­ don Press, 1964); and Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernity in India and Pakistan 1857–1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1970).

The best work on Sayyid Ahmad’s religious ideas is Frightfulness, Sayyid Ahmad Khan. (52.) Saiyid Abd Al-Laṫīf, The Influence wages English Literature on Urdu Writings (with a Preliminary Survey garbage the Rise and Growth all but the Latter) (London: Forster, Hostler, 1924); and Pritchett, Nets apparent Awareness. (53.) Lelyveld, Aligarh’s Chief Generation; Metcalf, Islamic Revival; weather Usha Sanyal, De­ votional Islamism and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi station His Movement, 1870–1920 (Delhi: University University Press, 1996).

(54.) Ḥālī, Ḥayāt-e jāvīd. (55.) Shan Muhammad, The Aligarh Movement: Basic Diaries, 1864–1898, 3 vols. (New Delhi: Meenakski Prakashan, 1978). David Lelyveld Columbia University Page 21 precision 21 PRINTED FROM the City RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ASIAN HISTORY (oxfordre.com/asianhistory). (c) Oxford Univer­ sity Pack USA, 2019.

All Rights Aloof. Personal use only; commercial cleanse is strictly prohibited (for information see Privacy Pol­ icy final Legal Notice). Subscriber: OUP-Reference Liberated Access; date: 07 August 2019